二十世纪微区的人文理念

Humanistic Idea of a Micro-Districtin the XX Century

二十世纪微区的人文理念

Irina G. Fedchenko*   Siberian Federal University

伊丽娜·G·费德琴科*    西伯利亚联邦大学

The article presents a retrospective view on the development of a ‘micro-district’ social-planning conception in the XX century. Comprehension of humanistic ideas of Soviet society about residential environment at different stages of development is given a special focus. Rate of science branches development influencing residential environment formation has been growing since the middle of the XX century. Combination of ethic, scientific, political and legal discussions about urbanization influence on the environment, scientific achievements in philosophy, sociology, ecology as well as modern population’s informative and intellectual awareness growth result in search for a micro-district improvement adapt to modern conditions of an individual’s existence in urbanization environment. Russian and foreign scholars have come to the conclusion that a person’s modern habitat must develop within the limits of a deep “interdisciplinary” approach with the purpose of its persistent perfection. Philosophic understanding of a micro-district as a residential place determines social importance of future micro-districts design and existing micro-districts reconstruction. The article provides theoretical grounds for the tendencies of residential environment transformation by the beginning of the XXI century.

本文回顾了XX世纪“微区”社会规划概念的发展。特别强调对苏联社会不同发展阶段居住环境人文思想的理解。自二十世纪中叶以来,影响居住环境形成的科学分支的发展速度一直在增长。关于城市化对环境影响的伦理、科学、政治和法律讨论,哲学、社会学的科学成果,生态学以及现代人口的信息和智力意识的增长导致了人们在城市化环境中寻求一种适应现代个体生存条件的微观区域改善。俄罗斯和外国学者得出的结论是,一个人的现代栖息地必须在深度“跨学科”方法的范围内发展,以期不断完善。对作为居住场所的微区的哲学理解决定了未来微区设计和现有微区重建的社会重要性。本文为21世纪初的居住环境变革趋势提供了理论依据。

Keywords: urbanization, micro-district, residential environment, humanism, community, need, availability.

Point

The majority of Russian population’s dissatisfaction with their residential environment at the beginning of the XXI century proves that the problem of residential environment humaneness is severely impeding the country, society and an individual’s development and that its solution has been pushed into a set of the state’s priority tasks1. Being regarded as the world-outlook based on philanthropy and an individual’s self-respect, humanism is connected with a wide range of human activities. One of humaneness maintenance conditions in the society is formation of moraland- ethic forms of existence. The concept of residential environment humaneness changes simultaneously with the society development, thus reflecting the state’s policy, the society’s level of economic development, social processes (Kuvakin, 2002).

21世纪初,大多数俄罗斯人口对其居住环境的不满证明,居住环境人性化问题严重阻碍了国家、社会和个人的发展,其解决方案已被推到国家的一系列优先任务1中。人文主义被视为以慈善事业和个人自尊为基础的世界观,它与广泛的人类活动相联系。道德伦理存在形态的形成是社会人性维系的条件之一。居住环境人性化的概念随着社会发展而变化,从而反映了国家政策、社会经济发展水平和社会进程(Kuvakin,2002)。

The cities’ growth, worsening of the housing problem in the XX century resulted in search for the principles of the population’s comfortable housing environment. Both socially important problems such as the problem of cheap houses for the working class meeting sanitary and hygienic comfort requirements and the problems of residential environment’s functional, rational, technical, esthetic, economic and ecological tasks solution were faced (Krainyaya, 2009, Kiyanenko, 2009).

In this regard the experience of transformation of humanistic ideas of residential territories planning in Russian urban design applied to form future development strategies is of great interest. The object of this research is a micro-district as an established principle of residential territories formation in Russian urban design.

二十世纪城市的发展、住房问题的恶化导致了人们对舒适住房环境原则的探索。面临着重要的社会问题,如满足卫生和卫生舒适要求的工人阶级廉价住房问题,以及居住环境功能、合理、技术、美学、经济和生态任务解决方案问题(Krainyaya,2009年,Kiyanenko,2009年)。

在这方面,将俄罗斯城市设计中人文主义居住区规划理念的转变经验应用于未来发展战略的形成是非常有意义的。本研究的对象是作为俄罗斯城市设计中已确立的居住区形成原则的微型区。

Example

At the beginning of the XX century, a period of urbanization process development in the USSR, the problem of safe and comfortable urban life organization was urgent. The goal of urbanization was heavy engineering construction that was carried out at the cost of the population’s living standards decline. Temporary “barracks settlements” with the population up to hundreds thousands people quickly grew around factories. Their existence period extended over decades. The housing problem was defined by urban population’s growth accompanied by “strained” living standards and the objective of consecutive improvement of residential conditions for working people. Cities’ old districts were the system of private houses and grounds with household effects with such a density when the population was deprived of recreation places, non-ventilated yards appeared, and residential areas lacked light and air. The solution of housing and social as well as socially important everyday problems was also urgent (Meyerovich, 2009). The idea of humane residential environment at that period was close to the idea of “survival” – that is the population’s deliverance from insanitary urban residential conditions for working people.

二十世纪初,苏联城市化进程发展的一个时期,安全舒适的城市生活组织问题迫在眉睫。城市化的目标是以人民生活水平下降为代价的大规模工程建设。临时“军营定居点”的人口高达数十万,在工厂周围迅速增长。他们的生存期延长了几十年。住房问题的定义是城市人口的增长伴随着“紧张”的生活水平和不断改善劳动人口居住条件的目标。城市的旧区是私人住宅和具有家庭效应的场地的系统,当人口被剥夺了娱乐场所,出现了不通风的庭院,住宅区缺乏光线和空气时,其密度如此之大。解决住房和社会问题以及对社会具有重要意义的日常问题也是当务之急(Meyerovich,2009年)。在那个时期,人性化居住环境的理念与“生存”的理念非常接近——即人们从不卫生的城市居住条件中解放出来,为劳动人民服务

Prehistory of a “residential” quarter formation in Krasnoyarsk started in 1929 when they considered the issue of well-appointed houses for the working class, the so called “a stone quarter”, destined to replace existing wooden constructions with stone ones. The adopted resolution stated that “burning housing crisis (especially in working class districts) forcing to build private houses that do not meet hygienic and everyday life requirements is one of the reasons of private property development, overgrowth and nonplanning that lead to ignorance, disorganization and narrow-mindedness but not to the working class’s cultural upbringing and organisation”2. A set of measures was suggested for the quickest implementation of a stone quarter building issue into practice. These were “working class involvement into building the houses by means of monetary funding into the a stone quarter building” and leading explanatory discussions “among the working class on the importance of building stone quarters for the working class that switch from narrow-mindedness and private property to cultural upbringing and organisation of people and to women’s emancipation from cooking and old mode of life” (Tsarev, Krushlinsky, 2001). The idea of culture and everyday life organization in the cities changed radically. That led to a historical quarter extension due to the inclusion of social and everyday service objects. The whole vital activity process (an individual’s everyday life, labour, rest) became common. Humanism meant the unity of an individual and the society on the way to maximum satisfaction of their demands. Desire for everyday life “socialization” manifested itself in kids’ co-upbringing in the society, public catering and combination of an individual part of the house with common premises. These had to satisfy personal everyday life needs and lead to the society members’ harmonious physical and intellectual development. Thus, new functions and objects non-peculiar to a quarter structure such as educational, public catering, trade and public space institutions, sports areas and quarter kindergartens were introduced to extended city quarters.

克拉斯诺亚尔斯克“住宅区”形成的史前历史始于1929年,当时他们考虑了工人阶级的设施完善的房屋问题,即所谓的“石头区”,目的是用石头取代现有的木制建筑。通过的决议指出,“燃烧的住房危机(特别是在工人阶级地区)强迫建造不符合卫生和日常生活要求的私人住宅是私人房地产开发、过度增长和无计划的原因之一,这会导致无知、无组织和狭隘,但不会影响工人阶级的文化教养和组织”2。有人提出了一套措施,以便最快地将石头建筑问题付诸实施。这些都是“工人阶级通过货币资金的方式参与到一栋四分之一石楼的建造中”,并引导了解释性的讨论“在工人阶级中,关于为工人阶级建造石头宿舍的重要性,工人阶级从狭隘的思想和私有财产转变为文化教育和组织,妇女从烹饪和旧的生活方式中解放出来”(Tsarev,Krushlinsky,2001年).城市中的文化和日常生活组织观念发生了根本性的变化。由于社会和日常服务对象的加入,这导致了历史性的季度扩张。整个重要活动过程(个人的日常生活、劳动、休息)人道主义意味着个人和社会在最大限度地满足其需求的道路上的团结。对日常生活的渴望“社会化”表现在儿童在社会中的共同抚养、公共餐饮以及房屋的单个部分与公共场所的结合。这些都必须满足个人的日常生活需要,并导致社会成员身体和智力的和谐发展。因此,非四分之一结构所特有的新功能和对象教育、公共餐饮、商业和公共空间机构、运动区和社区幼儿园等可再生能源被引入扩展的城市社区。

Little by little the issue of people’s private and social life planning organization turned up in an extended quarter conception. The search for functional content of a planning unit nucleus and its main constituents began. A.M. Mostakov (1936) differentiates “public space” into “interdistrict” and “intradistrict” ones in which a public centre formed a space between residential quarters with schools’ physical training areas, canteens, active recreational areas and preschool institutions and passive recreational areas inside residential quarters3. It became obvious that it is impossible to efficiently organize a welldeveloped system of public everyday services in an extended quarter. As for perimeter building, it can’t provide a favourable orientation of all the flats regarding sun exposure and noise (Fig. 1).

渐渐地,人们的私人和社会生活规划组织的问题在一个扩展的概念中出现了。开始寻找规划单位核心及其主要组成部分的功能内容。A.M.Mostakov(1936年)将“公共空间”分为“区际”和“区内”两类,其中公共中心形成了住宅区与学校体育训练区、食堂、活动休闲区和学前机构之间的空间,以及住宅区内的被动休闲区3。显而易见,要在一个较长的季度内有效地组织一个完善的公共日常服务系统是不可能的。至于周边建筑,它不能提供一个有利的方向,所有单位的阳光照射和噪音(图1)。

“Micro-district” planning conception was implemented as an alternative to a “quarter” structure of an industrial city. Professional community started their creative search for optimum volume-planning solutions improving the level of cultural and consumer services for the population. “They ran the experiments from simple schemes of a micro-district theoretical pattern implementation to design of residential territories full-value plannings which were improved in accordance with the society’s scientific and technical and economical development”4 (Kukina, 2006) (Fig. 2).

“微区”规划概念是作为工业城市“四分之一”结构的替代方案而实施的。专业团体开始创造性地寻找最佳的容量规划解决方案,以提高人口的文化和消费服务水平。“他们进行了从微型区域理论模式实施的简单方案到住宅区全价值规划设计的实验,这些规划根据社会的科学技术和经济发展进行了改进”4(Kukina,2006年)(图2)。


Fig. 2. Experimental projects of micro-districts in 1947 (from the author’s archives)

After the Great Patriotic War it was vital to provide a high percentage of the population with individual flats in the shortest period of time. So, the concept “demand” became the main one. At that time the humaneness of the environment was understood as equality in demand satisfaction and reduction of “waiting for one’s own flat effect”. They began searching for more efficient residential formation in urban construction satisfying the population’s demands in guaranteed socially important objects within physically accessible boundaries. In the 1950-s there followed an original hailstorm of partyand- state resolutions and meetings devoted to residential environment problem (“On further industrialization, quality improvement and building cost reduction measures” dated August 23, 1955; “On elimination of design and building extravagances” resolution dated November 4, 1955; “On residential building development in the USSR” resolution dated July 31, 1956; the third All-Russia builders’ meeting in April, 1958, Khrushchev’s speech on the necessity to speed up reorganization in architecture). The key moment in micro-districts planning was unification and standardization of residential environment design process. Khan-Magometov in his article “Khrushchev’s utilitarianism: pluses and minuses” mentions that Khrushchev’s methods in design and building spheres drew a wide response and led to many positive results including fundamental ones and helped to solve many housing problems. “Khrushchev tried and managed to stop sliding down to abyss under the conditions of a growing housing crisis. That was one of a few social problems that party-and-state structure of the Soviet power period not only declared in its resolutions but managed to achieve positive results. From the end of the 1950-s a continued increase in the number of houses that were being built began. Initially the decline of residential areas standards was stopped, and then their growth began” (Khan- Magomedov, 2005: 25). In the 1960-s public building of economical houses started. The search for the reserves to cut off the cost of one square meter of a residential area to its cost in the houses with a room settlement inevitably led to a lesser residential comfort (the storey height became lower, thorough-passage rooms appeared, bathroom units included a toilet, sizes of subsidiary premises became smaller). Moreover, the citizens stopped being their residential environment creators, industry system was totally isolated from the future residents depriving them of any possibility to participate in planning-and-building process or influence its results, thus turning an individual into an uncomplaining, passive “consumer”. Industrial lodging didn’t answer to the inhabitants’ diversification, their demands, mode of life, cultural standards and forced to accommodate to this discrepancy at the cost of serious social and psychological side-effects. According to Yu.L. Kosenkova’s research, letters to architects and government were one of the means to become aware of the population’s opinion during the period of heated discussions about an industrial method. For the Soviet urban design that was one of rare cases of “the reverse relationship” with the population. Lively voices of millions of people were not heard, as a rule. It was the state that formed a social order and decided what the population needed and what they could do without. The discussed issues worried all the social layers from housewives to higher education institutions’ lecturers and professors. The letters displayed ordinary everyday common sense that made the authors of the letters be on alert regarding a new housing policy introduced by the government. “Common feeling running through the letters, that is false technical-and-economic criteria in the base of a new house model, was actually far away from the advanced “conveniences for an individual” slogan, and it will cause new problems in the nearest future”5 (Fig. 3).

伟大的卫国战争结束后,在最短的时间内为高比例的人口提供独立的住房至关重要。因此,“需求”成为主要概念。当时,环境的人性化被理解为需求满足的平等和“等待自己的扁平化效应”的减少。他们开始在城市建设中寻找更有效的住宅形式,以满足人口对在物理可及边界内有社会保障的重要对象的需求。20世纪50年代,针对居住环境问题的党和国家决议和会议(1955年8月23日的“关于进一步工业化、提高质量和降低建筑成本的措施”和1955年11月4日的“关于消除设计和建筑浪费”的决议);1956年7月31日的“关于苏联住宅建筑发展”决议;1958年4月的第三次全俄建筑商会议,赫鲁晓夫关于加快建筑重组必要性的讲话)微观区域规划的关键时刻是居住环境设计过程的统一和标准化。Khan Magometov在他的文章《赫鲁晓夫的功利主义:优缺点》中写道提到赫鲁晓夫在设计和建筑领域的方法引起了广泛的反响,并导致了许多积极的结果,包括基本的结果,并帮助解决了许多住房问题。“赫鲁晓夫试图并成功地阻止在日益严重的住房危机的情况下滑向深渊。这是苏维埃政权时期的党和国家结构不仅在其决议中宣布的少数社会问题之一,而且成功地取得了积极成果。从1950年代末开始,在f开始建造房屋。最初住宅区标准的下降被停止,然后开始增长”(Khan-Magomedov,2005:25)20世纪60年代,经济适用房的公共建筑开始了。寻找储备,以将一平方米住宅区的成本降低到一套住房的成本中,不可避免地导致居住舒适度降低(层高变低,出现了完整的通道室,浴室单元包括一个卫生间,附属厂房的尺寸变小)此外,市民不再是他们居住环境的创造者,工业系统与未来的居民完全隔离,剥夺了他们参与规划和建设过程或影响其结果的任何可能性,从而使个人成为一个毫无怨言、被动的“消费者”.工业住宿不能满足居民的多样化、需求、生活方式、文化标准,不得不以严重的社会和心理副作用为代价来适应这种差异。根据Yu.L.Kosenkova的研究,给建筑师和政府的信是了解这种差异的一种手段在关于工业方法的激烈讨论期间,公众的意见。对于苏联城市设计来说,这是“反向关系”的罕见案例之一与人口有关。通常,数百万人的生动声音没有被听到。是国家形成了社会秩序,决定了人口需要什么,他们可以做什么。讨论的问题让从家庭主妇到高等教育机构的讲师和教授等社会各阶层都感到担忧。信件显示d普通的日常常识,使信件的作者对政府推出的新住房政策保持警惕。“信件中贯穿的常识,即新住房模型基础上的虚假技术和经济标准,实际上与先进的“个人便利”相去甚远。”口号,它将在不久的将来引发新的问题”5(图3)。

Industrialization epoch is the time of system-and-structural, hierarchical and standardized models of society and culture supremacy when a public consumer was taken into account. Practical tasks of communism formation formulated in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Programme defined social demands and Soviet urban design orientation. The society, demographically presented as “the population”, was dismembered into the groups with supposedly similar housing demands. The society was seen as a clear typological society organization. As a result, this model led to meeting the construction industry’s requirements and their dominance over an individual’s interests and society’s humanistic interests (Kiyanenko, 2009). The ideas of residential environment humaneness were “verified” and “studied” in numerical indices. Residential environment of industrialization epoch didn’t reflect a phenomenological essence of a “humane” space that springs up from a definite situation: place-and-time, society and an individual’s isolation. The reasons of psychological discomfort consisted in breach of stable ties of a micro-district’s “inner” nature with a spatial system of a site development. Besides, in micro-districts formation practice most types of services are not connected with active social contacts (except rare cases of kids’ “social” upbringing). Humanism became a “physically” needed quality and manifested itself in the desire for residential environment humanization, making it more individual and focused on individuals’ participation in its formation (Fig. 3а).

工业化时代是一个考虑到公共消费者的社会和文化霸权的系统和结构、等级和标准化模式的时代。《苏联共产党纲领》中制定的共产主义形成的实际任务确定了社会需求和苏联城市设计方向。在人口统计学上被称为“人口”的社会,被分割成了具有类似住房需求的群体。该协会被视为一个类型明确的社会组织。因此,这种模式满足了建筑业的要求,并使其在个人利益和社会人文利益上占据主导地位(Kiyanenko,2009年)。居住环境人性化的理念在数值指标中得到了“验证”和“研究”。工业化时代的居住环境并没有反映出一个“人文”空间的现象学本质,这个“人文”空间是从一个特定的情境中产生的:地点和时间、社会和个人的孤立。心理不适的原因在于破坏了微区“内部”性质与场地开发空间系统的稳定联系。此外,在微区形成实践中,大多数类型的服务与积极的社会接触无关(除了少数儿童“社会”抚养的案例)。人文主义成为一种“身体上”需要的品质,表现在对居住环境人性化的渴望中,使其更加个性化,注重个人参与其形成(图3аa)。

The principle of vital activity formation based on tough functional division of a city territory into zones and on a stage system of service that was criticized by professional architects in the 60-s already. The system of a three-stage service was criticized for its inability to “programme” an individual’s behavioral aspect. Numerous research at the beginning of the 70-s proved that the population used on-the-way-home or on-theway- to-work services more willingly. That’s why transit junctions and public transport stops at the places of work more often determined the choice of sites for large trade and public structures. Speaking about a tough “everyday life – work – leisure” doctrine, the critics observed that in reality a city serves a single material-and-spatial environment in which complex industrial, cultural and everyday processes take place. Due to them people of different social and demographical strata are involved in various relations, in life of various groups and communities and do not isolate in one territory or a city’s functional zone. “The minimalist approach and a three-stage service in micro-districts at the end of the 50- 70-s of the ХХ century resulted in a spontaneous formation of both social-business-trade and suburban logistic territories on open territories” (Kukina, 2005)6 (Fig. 4).

生命活动形成的原则基于城市区域的严格功能划分和服务的舞台系统,这在60年代已经受到专业建筑师的批评。三阶段服务体系因无法“规划”个人行为方面而受到批评。70年代初的大量研究证明,人们更愿意在回家或上班的路上使用服务。这就是为什么公交枢纽和公共交通停靠点往往决定大型贸易和公共建筑选址的原因。在谈到强硬的“日常生活-工作-休闲”原则时,批评家们观察到,事实上,一座城市服务于单一的物质和空间环境,在这种环境中,复杂的工业、文化和日常过程都会发生。因此,不同社会和人口阶层的人参与各种关系,参与各种群体和社区的生活,而不是孤立于一个地区或一个城市的功能区。“20世纪50-70年代末,微区的极简主义方法和三阶段服务导致在开放区域自发形成社会商业贸易和郊区物流区域”(Kukina,2005)6(图4)。

At the end of the 1970-80-s the growth of construction industry capacities intensified again in Soviet architecture. A significant increase in the number of storeys led to the loss of a ‘human” scale, space-and-meaningful residential environment structures destruction. The architectural science was undoubtedly conscious of the problem of house building aggressiveness with its monochromatic and monotonous nature and the problem of social contacts but nothing was overcome in practice. A special attention was given to improvement of industrial habitation typification methodology and planning composition of residential environment. The idea of a micro-district gave rise to the criticism against social life imperfection, inability to reflect the complexity of social, economic and technical problems causing unsatisfactory sanitary and hygienic conditions, transport difficulties, substantial waste of time, people’s dissociation at extraordinary dull site development.

20世纪70-80年代末,苏联建筑业的建筑业产能增长再次加剧。楼层数量的显著增加导致“人类”规模的丧失、空间和有意义的居住环境结构的破坏。毫无疑问,建筑科学意识到房屋建筑的单色性和单调性以及社会交往的问题,但在实践中什么都没有克服。特别关注工业居住类型化方法的改进和居住环境的规划构成。微型区的概念引起了对社会生活不完善、无法反映社会、经济和技术问题的复杂性的批评,这些问题导致卫生和卫生条件不理想、交通困难、大量浪费时间、人们在非常单调的场地开发中离群索居。

Humane residential space is not only a comfortable residential cell. Residential environment is regarded as an outward, supplementary part of a habitat including the territory near the house and public gardens, streets, lanes, yards where people’s everyday and recreational demands are satisfied (Krasheninnikov,1988; Anisimova,2002; Krainyaya,2009). Throughout the decades a yard territory had been an integral part of a habitat where an individual’s everyday life and leisure flourished. Industry development resulted in the fact that a yard gradually lost its original predestination and turned into a transit between a public transport stop and a private flat. A yard elimination is connected with side-effects in life organization, causing a set of severe social-andpsychological consequences for a subsequent generation. Vast and amorphous territories inside a residential area belong to all the houses and to none of them at the same time. A person’s consciousness is unable to visually identify any part of this merely non-differentiated inactive territory with his own place of residence. As a result such areas remain no man’s and undeveloped areas and provoke vandalism. Moreover, such planning organization of a habitat often turns into thriftless use of precious city areas. It doesn’t form a person’s constant affection towards a definite place where he lives, where he was born and brought up (especially it concerns a person starting his life) (Pozdniakova, 2010). (Fig. 5)

人性化的居住空间不仅仅是一个舒适的居住单元。居住环境被视为栖息地的外部补充部分,包括住宅和公共花园、街道、小巷、庭院附近满足人们日常和娱乐需求的区域(Krashenininkov,1988年;Anisimova,2002年;Krainyaya,2009年)。在过去的几十年里,庭院一直是个人日常生活和休闲繁荣的栖息地的组成部分。工业的发展导致了这样一个事实:一个院子逐渐失去了它最初的预定,变成了公共交通站和私人公寓之间的交通工具。一个院子的消除与生活组织中的副作用有关,对下一代造成一系列严重的社会和心理后果。居住区内广阔而无定形的区域属于所有的房屋,而不同时属于任何一个房屋。一个人的意识无法从视觉上识别这个仅仅是无差别的静止区域的任何部分和他自己的居住地。因此,这些地区仍然是无人区和未开发区,并引发破坏行为。此外,这样的栖息地规划组织往往会变成对宝贵城市区域的节俭使用。它不会形成一个人对他生活、出生和成长的特定地方的持续的情感(尤其是关于一个人开始他的生活)(Pozdniakova,2010)。(图5)

“Starting from the middle of the 1980 many researchers formed alternative views on the residential environment development and the housing problem solution, focusing mainly on cultural diversities, the population’s mode of life, geographic, ethnographic and national peculiarities of this or that place”7 (Kukina, Pozdniakova, 2010). The necessity of a different “everyday life – work – recreation” triad interpretation is realized as a very serious matter since a tough linkage of life to the place of work as well as precise “structurization” of everyday life and recreation reveal their imperfection. The increase in conversion percentage of industrial enterprises and “selectivity” towards work are observed. These result in substantial changes in the places of work structure. At the beginning and in the middle of the century “work” was mainly associated with industrial territories. Otherwise, by the end of the century the rate of the employees in the spheres of administration, service, science, recreation industry sharply grew in number. That involves the breach of working places proportions and consequently the population’s everyday inner migrations according to “working place – home” scheme. A micro-district connection with a working place turned out to be groundless, depriving a person of the right to choose. Urbanization is no more directly dependent on industrialization; scientific production, service, administration and cultural branches development is the most important source of large cities growth; a city’s multifunctionalism becomes its main feature. It is in the 1980-s when they started speaking about the necessity of the mechanisms that provide harmonization of a city’s architecture and human expectations and preferences, cultural standards and values. The “environmental design” term had strengthened its positions. In Soviet architecture a public consumer’s consciousness was recognized as a real factor (studied non-thoroughly in many aspects) that had to be taken into account but not an object for manipulation (Krainyaya 2009).

“从1980年中期开始,许多研究人员就居住环境发展和住房问题解决方案形成了不同的观点,主要关注文化多样性、人口生活方式、地理、民族志和该地区的民族特色”7(Kukina,Pozdniakova,2010)。不同的“日常生活-工作-娱乐”三位一体解释的必要性被认为是一个非常严重的问题,因为生活与工作地点的紧密联系以及日常生活和娱乐的精确“结构化”暴露了它们的缺陷。工业企业的转化率和对工作的“选择性”有所增加。这导致工作场所结构发生重大变化。在本世纪初和中期,“工作”主要与工业领域有关。除此之外,到本世纪末,行政、服务、科学、娱乐业等领域的雇员人数急剧增加。这涉及到违反工作场所比例,从而导致人口每天根据“工作场所-家庭”计划进行内部迁移。事实证明,与工作场所的微区联系是毫无根据的,剥夺了一个人的选择权。城市化不再直接依赖工业化科学的生产、服务、管理和文化部门发展是大城市增长的最重要源泉;城市的多功能性成为其主要特征。正是在20世纪80年代,他们开始谈论协调城市建筑、人类期望和偏好、文化标准和价值观的机制的必要性。“环境设计”一词加强了其地位。在苏联建筑中,公众消费者的意识被认为是一个真正的因素(在许多方面未彻底研究),必须加以考虑,但不是操纵的对象(Krainyaya,2009)。

At present an interdisciplinary approach to a residential environment study is being formed in the urban design theory. A microdistrict is becoming an object for the research by sociologists, engineers, ecologists, economists, philosophers and other scientists. Ecologicaland- environmental approach to a micro-district design is gaining its force. The approach is based on a social identity restoration and biological identity preservation. Appeal to “real demands” and their variety is becoming urgent. Philosophic understanding of a residential space as the area for individuals’ existence raises social importance of a micro-district community. Residential environment must be formed out of a definite programme of the residents’ behaviour, that is in accordance with social processes in it. Thus, combinations of the space boundaries depend on social stages of behaviour: a personal space (an owner’s territory) for independent “creative” self-realization development, physically closed but often visually looked through; private space (a group of owners’ space) as a space for communication with close people demand realization, a controlled and open one; public space (common space) as a space where an individual is a mass events participant involved in the community’s life (Iovlev, 2006). At present humanism is expressed in the desire to make a residential environment “social” by nature. Urban space forms must protect, give possibilities for self-expression, functional sufficiency of a space for each social group of the population as well as to facilitate contacts between them. In regard to the mentioned above, target and flexible design flourishes, that is civil building takes local peculiarities of a residential environment formation into account and promptly reacts to the changes that arise.

目前,城市设计理论正在形成一种跨学科的居住环境研究方法。微区正成为社会学家、工程师、生态学家、经济学家、哲学家和其他科学家研究的对象。微区设计中的生态与环境方法正在获得影响力。该方法基于社会身份恢复和生物身份保存。呼吁“真正的需求”及其多样性变得越来越迫切。对居住空间作为个人生存区域的哲学理解提高了微型社区的社会重要性。居住环境必须形成于一个明确的居民行为方案中,即符合其中的社会过程。因此,空间边界的组合取决于行为的社会阶段:一个个人空间(所有者的领地),用于独立的“创造性”自我实现发展,物理上是封闭的,但通常在视觉上是透明的;私人空间(一组业主空间)作为一个与亲近的人沟通的空间需求实现,一个受控的、开放的空间;公共空间(公共空间),作为个人参与社区生活的群体活动参与者的空间(Iovlev,2006)。目前,人文主义表现为希望使居住环境自然地“社会化”。城市空间形式必须为每个社会群体的人口提供空间的保护、自我表达的可能性和功能充分性,并促进他们之间的联系。鉴于以上所述,目标和灵活的设计蓬勃发展,即民用建筑考虑到住宅环境形成的地方特点,并对出现的变化作出迅速反应。

Resume

Ideas of social meaning of a habitat and residential environment humanism were introduced to the projects of elementary residential units planning at various stages of architectural conception of a micro-district. 

在微区建筑概念的各个阶段,将人居的社会意义和居住环境人文主义理念引入到基本居住单元规划项目中。

At the beginning of the ХХ century, a period of urbanization process, the problem of equipping a place of habitation with elementary sanitary and hygienic devices was acute. Understanding of humane environment was close to the conceptof “survival”, that is deliverance of the mankind from insanitary living conditions.

在城市化进程的一个时期??世纪初,为居住场所配备基本卫生设备的问题十分突出。对人文环境的理解接近于“生存”的概念,即人类从不健康的生存状态中解脱出来。

In the postwar period understanding of humane environment moved to the concept of “equality” in satisfaction of an individual’s private residential place demands. Equality and sameness of residential places and residential environment was mainly provided due to typification and industrialization of architectural and construction activity that replaced the “embellishment” of the cities characteristic to “Stalin’s empire style”. Industrialization development caused an opposite tendency – humanism became a “physically” needed quality that was expressed by the aspiration for a residential environment humanization and shaping its individual character.

在战后时期,对人文环境的理解转向了“平等”的概念,以满足个人的私人居住场所需求。居住场所和居住环境的平等和相同主要是由于建筑和建筑活动的类型化和工业化,将城市特色的“装饰”改为“斯大林帝国风格”。工业化的发展导致了一种相反的趋势——人文主义成为一种“身体上”需要的品质,表现为对居住环境人性化和塑造其个性的渴望。

At present the main residential environment problems of large cities manifest themselves in certain functional inconveniences, psychological and ecological discomfort: in complicated use of house-side territories, in complexity of transport means movement and parking, in visual aggressiveness and pollution of the environment, in absence of social contacts. With this regard a micro-district must be considered “a living organism” with continuous development and perfection when every individual has the right to creativity, self-realization and protection. The experience of earlier-built micro-districts functioning indicates the necessity of a residential environment “adaptive” planning in accordance with the population’s real demands.

目前,大城市的主要居住环境问题表现为某些功能不便、心理和生态不适:住宅区的复杂使用、交通工具移动和停车的复杂性、视觉攻击性和环境污染,在没有社会交往的情况下。在这方面,当每个人都有创造、自我实现和保护的权利时,微型区必须被视为一个不断发展和完善的“活生物体”。早期建成的微型区的运行经验表明,有必要根据人口的实际需求进行居住环境“适应性”规划。

Generalized conception of a “humane” micro-district of the end of the ХХ – beginning of the ХХI century must be based upon the revision of the relations between spatial-and-functional and social-and-economic aspects. Multi-functional residential territories development, shaping the interaction between people belonging to different circles in order to achieve efficient development, residential environment individualization, ensuring social and physical accessibility, pedestrian friendly areas formation, formation of informal communities of the citizens, aspiration for ecological stability and historical-and-cultural heritage preservation become vital.

在本世纪末至本世纪初,“人文”微型区的广义概念必须基于空间和功能以及社会和经济方面之间关系的修正。多功能住宅区开发,塑造不同圈子的人之间的互动,以实现高效发展,住宅环境个性化,确保社会和物理可达性,形成步行友好区,形成公民非正式社区,对生态稳定和历史文化遗产保护的渴望变得至关重要。


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